their renewable energy potential, such as Tunisia. The objective of this report is to look into the potential of Battery Energy Storage System (BESS) development in Tunisia, in line with national efforts towards a clean and sustainable energy transition as well as ensuring the optimal use of energy sources and improving energy security.
The Government of Tunisia (GoT) has embarked on an ambitious path to increase its renewable energy production. Through the TERI UMBRELLA, the World Bank has been providing technical assistance activities to support and accelerate Tunisia''s energy transition, particularly to increase renewable energy generation.
RES4Africa''s report on "Battery Energy Storage Systems in Tunisia" argues that energy storage is an essential tool to enable the effective integration of renewable energy and unlock the benefits of local generation and a clean, resilient energy supply.
The Transport and storage sector in Tunisia is the most important sector in terms of production, value added, employment creation and CO 2 emissions when measured altogether. The Solar Field and the Power Block coming from Italy are reflected in sectors such as Electrical equipment, Basic metals and Fabricated metals, as well as Other non
WASHINGTON, June 24, 2019 – The World Bank''s Board of Executive Directors approved a new US$151 million project today in support of Tunisia''s goal of diversifying its energy sources away from imported hydrocarbons and providing cleaner and less expensive electricity to Tunisian people and businesses.
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Energy transition has been a key element in Tunisia''s official discourse for years, aligning with the global context that drives investment in renewable energies and reduces dependence on fossil energies. In this discourse, renewable energies, particularly photovoltaic energy and "green" hydrogen, are presented as the ideal solution that will enable the country to overcome its energy deficit and attract foreign investments, thereby contributing to addressing the economic crisis.
However, these headlines, promoted by the Tunisian state and the "supporting" international institutions in this matter, obscure the fact that these investments further deepen regional disparities and perpetuate the same exploitative mechanisms of the extractive model. These investments come at the expense of citizens in the interior regions, generating profits for investors without delivering genuine developmental or environmental benefits to the country.
An aspect of the injustice of these investments is evident in land exploitation for the construction of solar or wind power plants. In this context, President Kais Saied used the authority of decrees to remove obstacles to the exploitation of public and agricultural lands for these projects. As for the communal and private lands, particularly in the south, where land ownership remains a contentious issue between the authorities and local residents the government has accelerated its efforts by using coercive measures to impose investors'' control over these lands, as is currently happening in the villages of Sagdoud, Chenini, and Douiret.
This approach is not isolated from the European countries’ pursuit to diversify their energy supply sources to achieve their own goals and indicators at the expense of the environmental and economic interests of the Global South, through non-transparent agreements covered by attractive slogans such as energy transition and economic cooperation.
This paper aims to shed light on the challenges related to these projects and to highlight the issues that need to be taken into consideration to ensure that the Tunisia''s energy transition is fair and driven by a national desire to achieve energy self-sufficiency and to guarantee citizens’ right to access energy.
The discourse on "transition" in general represents one of the elements of the internationally dominant global discourse, especially when related to concerning the Global South. "Transition" is often claimed to be an inevitable path to progress and prosperity, taking various forms that are promoted in the literature of international institutions, such as digital or energy transition.
These seemingly attractive or even self-evident terms obscure many critical aspects of these transitions. How are they being carried out, and for whose benefit? Does every transition necessarily lead to a good model? What kind of transition is being promoted by international institutions and their financial and technical arms?
European-centric socio-technical approaches1 dominate studies on "transition", where it is viewed in this context as "significant technological shifts in the operation of social functions such as transport, communication, housing, and food"2 or as "deep structural changes in systems—such as energy—that involve complex and long-term restructuring of technology, policies, infrastructure, scientific knowledge, and cultural and social practices for sustainable purposes3."
However, despite some modifications, his theory overlooks important dimensions related to the political economy of transition, such as, power dynamics, interests, and historical and social dimensions. The differences in institutional and social contexts of each country lead to the adoption of different energy transition pathways, influenced by power dynamics, international influences, and the prioritization of political choices—whether to promote renewable energy or focus on inclusive development.
In the context of energy transition, other geographical studies indicate that energy transition embodies pathways with varying spatial and social impacts. Reshaping economic and social activities based on these pathways leads leads to different outcomes depending on social groups and areas,4 which do not benefit equally from the extraction, generation, financing, distribution and consumption of energy5.
Thus, two competing visions/paths for energy transition nature can be distinguished:
Our vision of a just energy transition, and our consideration of its political economy dimensions in the Global South, compels us to view it in the Tunisian context as a component of a global system that perpetuates energy dependency. In this system, international institutions influence Global South countries to adopt an extractive, neoliberal energy model that incorporates renewable energies as one of energy production sources, without bringing any real change in the nature of the extractive system and its disastrous effects on land and people''s lives.
Moreover, our perspective on a just energy transition does not align with the lexicon adopted by neoliberal institutions that appropriated this term to serve their own narrative after embracing it in the preamble of Paris Agreement under the pressure of social, environmental, and labor movements. The use of this term often remains at the level of slogans, merely to cover up the usual policies8, a practice these institutions have consistently applied in all the other areas as well, such as debt, austerity, and subsidies.
The energy transition in its core definition —namely, the shift towards energy sources with lower carbon emissions (as defined by the International Renewable Energy Agency, IRENA)—represents a significant challenge for Tunisia amidst social and political changes and increasing energy demand. Currently renewable energies sources, which are proposed as the primary alternative in this energy transition, contribute by only 3% of Tunisia’s energy mix, a very insignificant percentage far from the national goal of reaching 30% by 2030.
The main challenges facing the current energy system in Tunisia include securing energy demands, governing the subsidy system, and the impact of reliance on fuel and gas imports on social aspects and quality of life. However, facing these challenges should be connected to all aspects of a just energy transition and should be particularly directed toward meeting the needs of the Tunisian market, rather than adopting a liberal model that could lead to the privatization of energy sector, environmental harm, and depletion of the country’s natural and water resources.
Historically, Tunisia transitioned from being an energy exporter to a net energy importer since the beginning of the third millennium, due to the increase in demand and the decline of local energy production9. Although Tunisia was an exporter of oil and gas until the 90s, it became an importing country over the past decade. The energy balance (measured by the energy independence ratio) has shifted from a surplus (124% in 1990) to a deficit since 2001 reaching 80% in 201210 and 48% in 202311.
Tunisia’s national energy policy did not undergo a transformation until 2009 only saw a significant shift in 2009 with the launch of the Tunisian Solar Plan, which coincided with and was linked to the Mediterranean Solar Plan launched by the European Union in the same year, in cooperation with the countries of the southern and eastern Mediterranean, as part of the Union for the Mediterranean, to achieve its goals in the field of renewable energy.
In this context, the French government launched an initiative in November 2009 to explore the feasibility of transmitting direct current over long distances between solar and wind energy production centers and consumption points across the Mediterranean basin, as part of the MEDGRID project. This initiative aims to establish an integrated network of energy transmission pipelines that connect the northern and southern shores. The MEDGRID project is focused on studying and developing an advanced offshore electrical grid that links North Africa with Europe, thereby facilitating the exchange of renewable energy between the two regions and optimizing the use of solar and wind energy resources in the southern Mediterranean.
It becomes evident that what seems like Tunisian energy policies is a direct outcome of European impositions. Northern countries tailor these policies to align with their commitments and aspirations, often in response to pressures such as those arising from the Russian-Ukrainian war and their dependence on Russian gas.
The European Union, on the one hand, is trying to reduce its dependence on traditional energy sources and achieve its environmental goals, while on the other hand, seeks to secure alternative and sustainable energy sources to address geopolitical fluctuations.
Therefore, the Tunisia’s legislative framework development, related to renewable energies is often shaped by the influence of European partners and their efforts to persuade authorities to adopt the reforms they impose.
The influence on the legislative framework is a key element of the “modus operandi” that underpins the strategies of Northern countries to exploit the resources of the Global South. European lobbying takes many forms to influence the legal and institutional framework, such as facilitating policy dialogues between governmental and private actors or using the guise of technical assistance to develop various national strategies of southern countries. This is evident in the Tunisian case, where the German Technical Cooperation Agency funded most of the studies related to the energy sector.
Among the objectives outlined in the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) strategy for Tunisia 2018-2023 are: "Supporting the competitiveness of Tunisian businesses by opening markets" and "Supporting Tunisia’s transition to a green economy".
Specific goals were also targeted for achievement during the 2017-2022 period under Priority 3, including: "Developing a renewable energy program to support the private sector through consultation with the Ministry of Energy… and advocating for the banking model of PPAs (Power Purchase Agreements) with all stakeholders: the Prime Minister''s Office, the Ministry of Energy, the National Electricity and Gas Company, trade unions, and banks." The document also emphasizes on “continuing to advocate for reforms with international financial institutions to strengthen private sector participation in key sectors (such as energy and infrastructure)" and affirms "agreeing with authorities on improving energy efficiency, including legal support for renewable energy."
These insights shed light on the significant disparity in the speed of implementing government “commitments” between the energy sector (as a component) and the other components of the ecological transition strategy, as well as the National Strategy for Low-Emission and Climate-Resilient Development by 2050. While key sectors such as agriculture, health, and water (remaining components of these strategies) have largely stalled, the energy sector has rapidly accelerated, driven primarily by European lobbying efforts.
The TuNur solar project is one of the most prominent projects programmed in cooperation with the European side. This joint venture involves Nur Energy, a british-based solar energy development company, along with Maltese and Tunisian investors from the oil and gas sector, with the primary goal to exploit solar energy from the Tunisian desert to produce electricity.
The project is primarily located in Qibili and aims to generate concentrated solar power (CSP) and export it to Europe via undersea cables. According to the Mediterranean Solar Plan, the project aims to deliver 4.5 gigawatt-hours of electricity, with the primary export target being Italy, followed by France and Malta.
This project aligns with Europe’s broader strategy to enhance electrical interconnections with North Africa as an alternative to dependence on Russian gas.
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